This week Parliament challenged court orders, senators impeached a governor, governors challenged senators’ summons, and an MP’s election was declared null by the Court of Appeal. She challenged the court’s decision by attending to House businesses as usual, however, where she was allowed to intervene and contribute.
It
has been an action-packed week, just like the old Chuck Norris and
Jean-Claude Van Damme films. But this is even better, it looks like one
of those films where all the stars were brought together, like The
Expendables and R.E.D. (Retired but Extremely Dangerous).
We
could be on the brink of shattering the rule of law, of becoming Gotham
country. Gotham has been DC Comics’ fictional chaotic American city
since 1940. Only Batman can save it.
Gotham City
brought to the screen the ugliness of a society without law, where the
powerful fill up by force and violence the vacuum created by
lawlessness.
We cannot blame anybody but everybody. It
always works this way in democratic societies, for democracy is
essentially the rule of the majority. This is why democracy requires an
educated and informed majority.
No matter how many
fools one puts together, their decision will always be a big
foolishness…and when this happens ‘democracy’ turns itself into a
‘damn-crazy’ system. The force of numbers will not improve the quality
of the decision. Only the force of reason can help us.
LEGISLATIVE POWER SACRED
The
Constitution made Parliament a powerful creature with two heads: one to
legislate and one to oversee. The Constitution also granted these
roles, by extension, to the county assemblies. So, the county assemblies
mirror Parliament at the county level.
The legislative
power of Parliament is sacred and cannot be challenged until the final
output is on the table. No court can tell Parliament to stop debating a
certain bill, but they can declare certain laws unconstitutional.
So,
courts can challenge the final output of the legislative role of
Parliament but they can’t direct Parliament on what to discuss or not
discuss.
Now, the overseeing role of Parliament is a
different matter: This role can be challenged through the judicial
review of administrative actions. Impeachment is not part of the
legislative role of the legislature, but of its overseeing role.
Therefore, it can be challenged. The problem is when and how to
challenge it.
Impeachment, as I’ve said in a previous piece,
is a political process, but it has legal consequences. Impeachment is
not part of the legislative function, but of the overseeing function of
Parliament.
A well-designed impeachment procedure
should involve the courts at an early stage. It should work like this:
Once the county assembly finds sufficient reasons for impeachment the
matter is referred to the Judiciary, where a three-judge bench will
weigh the evidence and analyse the case to make sure that due process
was followed.
The decision from this bench is communicated to the assembly, which then refers the matter to the Senate.
In
this way both sides, political and legal, are catered for. This will
usually result in a fairer decision, a water tight impeachment process,
where the assembly takes care of politics and the judiciary looks after
legality. After all, both the legislature and the judiciary are twin
brothers with different jobs but similar vocation; the common good.
TIME AND EXPERIENCE
The
problem is that our impeachment procedure was poorly designed and
unless we do something we will have every impeachment being challenged
in court. As it is now, impeachment is a lynch mob.
Law
will improve with time and experience. The Constitution needs a number
of touches here and there. Time will tell how many. Some keep suggesting
we need new laws. But too much legislation is dangerous.
Thomas
Reed already said it in 1886: “One of the greatest modern delusions is
the hope that the evils in this world are to be cured by legislation.”
Tacitus had also said long before that: “The more corrupt the state, the
more it legislates.”
Perhaps this is why the best
constitutions in Africa are found in Equatorial Guinea, The Central
African Republic and Congo Brazzaville. They are model constitutions,
but not role model countries.
In my humble opinion this
week’s crisis goes beyond legality. It is a crisis of leadership. Some
Senators, MPs and county assembly members are eager to show their might,
some governors too…and some judges are being tempted. The executive is
prudently watching from a distance.
Sense needs to set
in…for when the bulls fight the grass…and its roots…the grassroots,
suffer. Two uncomfortable virtuous are called into play here:
magnanimity and humility. These are the virtuous of real leaders.
The
marriage between Parliament and the Judiciary is going sour. This
tension is not healthy. Sense, sensibility and true leadership are
urgently called for.
We risk having every impeachment challenged in court.
We risk having every impeachment challenged in court.
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